The decision
issued yesterday by Judge Thomas Wheeler of the Court of Federal Claims concerning
the lawsuit by Starr International, a large shareholder of AIG, will have
significant implications for the similar claims brought by various shareholders
of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac (hereinafter, the "GSEs"). I've previously put up a post
critical of the trial
judge's Fifth Amendment reasoning in certain of those lawsuits.
There are definitely some similarities between the two and
they should be worrisome to the government and heartening to the GSE
shareholders. For example, Judge Wheeler
refers to the Federal Reserve taking a 79.9% stake in AIG equity (in the form
of convertible preferred) as "draconian", writes that the government
"usurped control of AIG without ever allowing a vote of AIG's
shareholders" and notes that, even after the loan was repaid, the
government retained its stake. Of course
those facts are all identical to the government takeover of the GSEs.
But I see some significant differences as well. Judge Wheeler makes a very significant ruling
under the Fifth Amendment, using a theory that, frankly, I was heretofore
unaware of, that of "illegal exaction". In short, he concludes that, while the Fed was authorized by law to provide credit
to AIG, it did not have the authority
to exact, as a price for such credit, a
79.9% equity stake in AIG. "An
illegal exaction occurs when the Government requires a citizen to surrender
property the Government is not authorized to demand as consideration for action
the Government is authorized to take."
It is fascinating that there is language directly on point from an 1884 Supreme
Court opinion, Swift & Courtney &
Beecher Co. v. United States, 111 U.S. 22, 28-29 (1884) (“The parties were
not on equal terms. . . . The only alternative was to submit to an illegal
exaction or discontinue its business.”). Judge Wheeler also rejects the argument that
the emergency context augmented the government's legal power or diminished the
citizens' Fifth Amendment rights:
"The Government’s inability to require forfeiture of
rights and property in exchange for discretionary benefits is unchanged during
times of crisis, when the rule of law is maintained by requiring that
government acts be authorized by statute and the Constitution. Home Bldg. &
Loan Ass’n v. Blaisdell, 290 U.S. 398, 425-26 (1934) (“Emergency does not
create power. Emergency does not increase granted power or remove or diminish
the restrictions imposed upon power granted or reserved. . . . ‘Although an
emergency may not call into life a power which has never lived, nevertheless
emergency may afford a reason for the exertion of a living power already
enjoyed.’”) (quoting Wilson v. New, 243 U.S. 332, 348 (1917)); Youngstown Sheet
& Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579, 653 (1952) (Jackson, J., concurring)
(“In view of the ease, expedition and safety with which Congress can grant and
has granted large emergency powers, certainly ample to embrace this crisis, I
am quite unimpressed with the argument that we should affirm possession of them
without statute. Such power either has no beginning or it has no end.”)"
Of course, that makes sense - the government can always
take property to address an emergency or otherwise; it just has to pay just
compensation when it does so.
Somewhat counter-intuitively, Judge Wheeler proceeds to
quash Starr's takings claim, because, he says, a "taking" only occurs
if the government's action is authorized; here, he says, since the exaction was
"illegal", it was unauthorized.
This is purely a matter of semantics: either label says the government
took property from private persons in violation of the Fifth Amendment. But, as I show in my discussion below of the
GSE takeover, the statutory foundation for the government to take a controlling
equity stake in them is better than the Fed had in the AIG context. Still, as I argued last year, a statutory foundation
cannot, given the Supremacy Clause, relieve the government of its Fifth
Amendment constraints. It still has to
pay just compensation for taking, even if the taking is authorized and a true
emergency exists.
However, the specter of imminent bankruptcy causes the judge
to determine that AIG shareholders sustained no economic loss from the illegal
government action and therefore are due no further amount of "just compensation". He writes:
"Common sense suggests that the Government should
return to AIG’s shareholders the $22.7 billion in revenue it received from
selling the AIG common stock it illegally exacted from the shareholders for
virtually nothing. However, case law construing “just compensation” under the
Fifth Amendment holds that the Court must look to the property owner’s loss,
not to the Government’s gain. Brown v. Legal Found. of Wash., 538 U.S. 216,
235-36 (2003) (The “‘just compensation’ required by the Fifth Amendment is
measured by the property owner’s loss rather than the [G]overnment’s gain.”);
Kimball Laundry Co. v. United States, 338 U.S. 1, 5 (1949) (“Because gain to
the taker . . . may be wholly unrelated to the deprivation imposed upon the
owner, it must also be rejected as a measure of public obligation to requite
for that deprivation.”); United States v. Miller, 317 U.S. 369, 375 (1943)
(“Since the owner is to receive no more than indemnity for his loss, his award
cannot be enhanced by any gain to the taker.”); Boston Chamber of Commerce v.
Boston, 217 U.S. 189, 195 (1910) (Holmes, J.) (“And the question is, What has
the owner lost? not, What has the taker gained?”)"
And then he finds that the shareholders, had the government
not intervened, would have lost everything.
So there is no further compensation required. In doing so, he draws close parallels to the
Takings cases brought by various auto dealers whose franchises were terminated
as part of the restructurings of GM and Chrysler, in which the Federal Circuit
opined: " Absent an allegation that GM and Chrysler would have avoided
bankruptcy but for the Government’s intervention and that the franchises would
have had value in that scenario, or that such bankruptcies would have preserved
some value for the plaintiffs’ franchises, the terminations actually had no net
negative economic impact on the plaintiffs because their franchises would have
lost all value regardless of the government action."
It's an interesting question whether a judge should opine on
a liability issue when damages under the plaintiff's theory are going to be
zero. Recently, in her Marblegate opinion, Judge Failla, SDNY, did the same thing, opining that an insolvent
company's proposed out-of-court restructuring violated the Trust Indenture Act of 1939, even
when she found, as a fact, that the complaining bondholders would receive no
value if the restructuring failed and the company entered bankruptcy. So Judge Wheeler is not alone. I still am not
sure it is the best practice under Article III, but I gather that appellate
courts want the trial court to cover everything to avoid piecemeal litigation,
so it may be just a fact of life in our legal system.
Comparison to the GSE Takings Lawsuits
There are a few distinctions between the AIG opinion and the
litigation challenging the government's takeover of publicly-traded Fannie Mae
and Freddie Mac. First, the government's
financial support of the GSEs came from the Treasury Department, not the
Federal Reserve system; so a different statute was involved. The statute (the Housing and Economic
Recovery Act of 2008) established the Federal Housing Financing Agency (FHFA) as
an "Independent agency" and authorized it to become conservator or
receiver of the GSEs and in such role, to “immediately succeed to—(i) all
rights, titles, powers, and privileges of the [GSE], and of any stockholder,
officer, or director of such [GSE] with respect to the [GSE] and the assets of
the [GSE].”
Second, the equity stake Treasury took in the GSEs was a
combination of preferred stock and warrants to buy 79.9% of the common stock;
the stock itself was not convertible. as in AIG. This may or may not be a matter of form; one
legal consequence was that the Treasury Department did not vote a formal 79.9% equity stake in
the GSEs. Of course, with its sister
bureaucrats at FHFA, rather than a private board of directors of private citizens, running the company, it
didn't need to.
As to whether or not the Treasury's equity stake was
properly authorized, "HERA amended the GSEs’ charters to temporarily
authorize Treasury to “purchase any obligations and other securities issued by
the [GSEs].” 12 U.S.C. § 1455(l)(1)(A) (Freddie Mac); 12 U.S.C. § 1719(g)(1)(A)
(Fannie Mae). This provision also
provided that the “Secretary of the Treasury may, at any time, exercise any
rights received in connection with such purchases.” 12 U.S.C. § 1719(g)(2)(A).
Treasury’s authority to invest in the GSEs expired on December 31, 2009." So arguably, the "illegal exaction"
theory is not available in the GSE context if you read the statutory language
broadly and literally. That is not
disabling because, as Judge Wheeler describes it, the "illegal
exaction" analysis is just the label that is applied to a taking that is
unauthorized; proving authorization does not necessarily equate to the absence
of a taking. Further, an "illegal
exaction" argument still might be made, if one concludes that the
statutory authorization to succeed to the rights of "any shareholder,
officer or director" does not
authorize a right to engage in self-dealing and thus breach the fiduciary duty
of loyalty, because none of them would be understood to have the "right"
to do that. In that view, any value
extracted via self-dealing would be unauthorized and thus an illegal
exaction. Apparently,
from another blog I looked at, although no one has yet succeeded in getting
a federal court to review FHFA's actions as conservator, in Sweeney
Estate Marital Trust v United States (D.D.C. 2014), District Judge Amy
Jackson noted that under FIRREA, which she characterizes as HERA's predecessor
statute, judicial review was provided consistently where the federal agency was
alleged to have taken actions as conservator tainted by conflict of interest. So, that line of attack appears to be the
crucial determinant of the GSE plaintiffs' ability to challenge the Third
Amendment.
Third, a lesser-known, but extremely salient fact about the
shareholder lawsuits in the GSE context is that they do not challenge the September 2008 terms. Rather they challenge a much later
self-dealing transaction, described by Judge Lamberth as follows:
"On August 17, 2012, Treasury and the GSEs, through
FHFA, agreed to the Third Amendment to the PSPA, which is the focus of this
litigation. The Third Amendment replaced the previous dividend formula with a
requirement that the GSEs pay, as a dividend, the amount by which their net
worth for the quarter exceeds a capital buffer of $3 billion. The capital
buffer gradually declines over time by $600 million per year, and is entirely
eliminated in 2018. In simpler terms, the amendment requires Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to pay a
quarterly dividend to Treasury equal to the entire net worth of each
Enterprise, minus a small reserve that shrinks to zero over time. These
dividend payments do not reduce Treasury’s outstanding liquidation preferences."
(Citations and internal quotations omitted).
The key point to see here is that, by August 17, 2012, the
GSEs were not "on the verge of bankruptcy"; indeed, they were already
profitable as Judge Lamberth himself acknowledges elsewhere in the
opinion. So, the damages analysis Judge
Wheeler uses -- correctly, in my view -- that AIG's shares would have had no
value in the absence of government action, is not going to help the government
in the GSE context. Rather, everything
will come down to whether or not the self-dealing cash sweep agreed to between
FHFA and Treasury was a cognizable taking or not. If it is, the just compensation claim will be
very large.
I suppose I should disclose that my firm was one of the firms advising AIG at this time and further that I spent Sunday the 14th of September in their headquarters with an M&A partner and three top-bracket private equity firms that were studying whether or not a structure could be found to invest rescue funds. Discussions never got off the ground because AIG's team of financial advisors determined its hole was too large for them to fund and AIG really spent no time at all with them. In fact, I spent the evening chatting on the phone with friends at Lehman and also with advisors to the Obama campaign, in both cases about the implications of the impending Lehman bankruptcy. A memorable day and night in my career.