Earlier this month Harry Reid outlined a package of
tax increases and spending cuts designed to replace the sequester. As a replacement, it's really a joke - the
sequester cuts spending by $85 billion in just this fiscal year, whereas Reid's
proposal is estimated to reduce the deficit by $110 billion over several years,
with only $3 billion of spending cuts this year, and those limited to defense
and agriculture. But what is even more
ridiculous is the argument by various Democratic Senators that it doesn't go
far enough in raising revenue. Barron's quotes
Senator Tom Udall (D-NM) expounding this view:
"...
some Democratic senators complain that the 50-50 approach to raising taxes and
cutting spending is unacceptable. They want more tax hikes and fewer reductions.
Shortly after the Reid bill was announced, Democratic Sen. Tom Udall of New Mexico
told The Hill newspaper: 'We've let it be really lopsided.' He said he
preferred a 'more balanced approach' that would see tax increases in much
greater proportion to the cuts in outlays."
The
Times reports Senators Harkin and Sanders shared that view.
In
Udall-speak, "50/50" is " really lopsided", and one of the
50's needs to be greater than the other to be "more balanced". That's positively Orwellian. In "1984", "War is
Peace"; "Freedom is Slavery"; and "Ignorance is
Strength". The Ministry of Peace is
concerned with war; the Ministry of Truth is engaged in lies; and the Ministry
of Plenty is all about starvation. Senator
Udall is warping language in just the way that Orwell warned government would
do to strengthen its hold of power over its citizens.
I was curious. How does a Senator get himself in a state of mind where lopsided is balanced and balanced is lopsided? People in public view don't get away for long with saying total nonsense, so there had to be some sort of carefully constructed numbers game that lay behind his absurd remarks, the way perpetrators of a fraud concoct false financial statements to create the illusion of proper accounting. So I dug around on the web and found a story that explained the Udall world-view in more detail.
The Hill
explains " Liberals voiced concern about the 1-to-1 ratio of spending cuts
to tax revenue in the package. By their estimation, Congress has already cut
$.1 trillion in spending and raised taxes by $700 billion since 2010, they note."
"Since 2010" - that was simple. Udall et al. are just picking a measurement date that gives them numbers that suit their goals and ignoring the data that don't support their argument. Specifically, their numbers come from a letter that Senate Budget Committee chair Patty Murray put out a month ago, which contains a more detailed version of this table:
Deficit
Reduction during the 112th Congress
|
|
($billions,
2013-2022)
|
||
Source
|
Spending
|
Revenue
|
Interest
Saved
|
Total
|
Spending
cuts (excluding sequester)
|
1,464
|
|
240
|
1,704
|
ATRA
(tax increase)
|
|
617
|
96
|
713
|
Total
|
1,464
|
617
|
336
|
2,417
|
This
table only captures actions taken after 2010 - when the Republican control of the House made it impossible for the Democrats to pursue their fiscal agenda. Of course, it begs the question, what would the numbers look like if they included actions taken during the prior, 111th Congress. beginning in January 2009 when the Democratic
Party controlled the legislative process.
So,
working almost entirely from CBO 10-year budget forecasts, I constructed this
table, which gives the interpretation most favorable to the Democrats, of what
Murray's table would look like if all four years of the Obama administration
were included:
Deficit Increases
by the 111th & 112th Congresses
|
||||
Source
|
Spending
Increases
|
Revenue
Gain
from
High Income Taxpayers and Businesses
|
Revenue
Loss from Tax Breaks for Everyone Else
|
Total
|
Non-defense
spending increases of 111th Congress
|
2,600
|
|
|
|
Spending
cuts of 112th Congress (excluding
sequester)
|
(1,704)
|
|
|
|
SUBTOTAL
(Spending)
|
|
|
|
896
|
Tax
increases on high-income earners and businesses in 111th Congress
|
|
(593)
|
|
|
ATRA's
tax increase on high-income earners
|
|
(713)
|
|
|
ATRA's
continuation of estate tax breaks
|
|
348
|
|
|
SUBTOTAL
(increased revenue from high-income taxpayers and businesses
|
|
|
|
(958)
|
Tax
breaks for all others in 111th Congress
|
|
|
743
|
|
ATRA's
continuation of tax policy for all others
|
|
|
3,922
|
|
SUBTOTAL
(tax breaks for everyone else in both Congresses)
|
|
|
|
4,665
|
Total
|
896
|
(958)
|
4,665
|
(4,603)
|
In sum,
the full record of Obama-era legislation's impact on the deficit consists of (1) nearly $900
billion of net spending increases, (b) nearly $1 trillion of net tax increases
on high-income earners and businesses and (c) roughly $4.6 trillion of tax breaks
for all other tax filers. There's been
no deficit reduction at all. There's
been no spending cuts, net- net. There's
been no balance -- there's only one type
of deficit reduction: tax increases on high-income taxpayers and businesses.
When it comes to deficit reduction, the Senate Democrats have simply "forgotten" what they did in the 111th Congress (of course, when a different topic is on the agenda - say, looking compassionate - they will "remember" the laws they passed in that Congress, such as the Affordable Care Act).. That is utterly Orwellian. One aspect of "doublethink" in "1984" is "to forget any fact that has become inconvenient,
and then, when it becomes necessary again, to draw it back from oblivion for
just as long as it is needed...."
When I
say this is the most favorable interpretation for the Democrats, I have (1)
excluded from the above (a) approximately $1 trillion of defense spending
increases by the 111th Congress, on the ground that it was substantially all
related to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the Democrats are not wholly
responsible for those (although they bear some amount of responsibility for
both and for the cost); (b) included a $348 billion estate tax benefit for high-income
taxpayers, as estimated by CBO, even though Murray's letter claims there was a $19 billion revenue gain,
and (c) included only the first 8 years of the tax increases included in the
Affordable Care Act, because that is all CBO included at the time (because CBO
prepares 10-year forecasts and the taxes did not start for the first two years
after the bill was passed).
I've made my point above; the rest of this post just lays out the detail behind the table I constructed, if anyone wishes to check it.
SPENDING INCREASES BY THE 111TH
CONGRESS.
Three times a year, CBO presents its 10-year budget
forecast, typically in January, in March and then in August. In each forecast, there is an analysis of
changes since the last forecast and a brief description of what caused them --
economic factors, technical factors, or legislation adopted since the prior
forecast. I ignore changes CBO attributes to economic or technical factors
and just tabulate the changes they attribute to legislation passed by the 111th
Congress.
On January 7. 2009, around the time the 111th
Congress commenced its work, CBO forecast total outlays for the 10 years then
beginning would be $39.126 trillion.
By March, 2009, the Democratically-controlled
Congress and White House had implemented legislation, principally the
"stimulus" law or "ARRA", that CBO forecast would increase outlays over
their 10-year forecast by $1.3 trillion.
By August, 2009, the Democratically-controlled
Congress and White House had implemented legislation that CBO forecast would
increase outlays over their 10-year forecast by an additional $1.35 trillion,
approximately 80% of which was defense-related. As noted above, I exclude the defense component from my table.
In the next two forecast updates, there were
negligible changes in outlays due to legislation, mainly because the
legislature was devoting so much of its energy to hashing out Dodd-Frank and
Obamacare.
In August 2010, CBO projected an increase in outlays,
due mainly to Obamacare, of $1.1 trillion.
In January 2011, CBO projected a decrease in outlays
due to legislation of approximately $0.05 trillion, (comprised, fwiw, of $0.351
in decreases in discretionary spending offset by $0.148 increases in mandatory
spending, and $0.254 increases in debt service).
SPENDING
INCREASES BY 111TH CONGRESS ($billions) ( includes interest effect)
|
|
Source
|
Amount
|
|
|
Stimulus
Bill
|
1,300
|
Defense
and Other
|
1,350
|
Obamacare
|
1,100
|
Other
changes
|
0.050
|
TOTAL
|
3.700
|
REVENUE
CHANGES BY 111th CONGRESS
Now let's look at revenue changes effected by that
Congress:
March 2009:
$76 billion in tax reduction due to legislation, the principal
components of which were $200 billion of tax relief under the economic stimulus
legislation offset mainly by $71 of increased tobacco taxes as part of the
SCHIP re-authorization.
CBO's August 2009, January 2010, and March 2010 forecasts show no material changes in projected revenue due
to legislation.
August 2010: $643 million projected increase in
revenue due to Obamacare taxes. This understates the 10-year amount because the law delayed the tax hike until 2013, so the CBO forecast only picks up the first 8 years.
January 2011: $713 billion projected decrease in
revenue due to 2-year extension of Bush tax cuts and payroll tax cut extension.
So the net amount of the changes in revenue effected
by that Congress was projected to be a decrease of $156 billion. Let's look a little more closely at the distribution
of tax increases and benefits from those two big revenue -related changes,
Obamacare and the extension of the Bush tax cuts.
Per CBO's August 2010 update, Obamacare provided a
"refundable tax credit" to lower-income taxpayers that was estimated
to cost $134 billion over the 10- years.
Everything else was a tax on high-income individuals (quantified at $251
billion) or businesses (approximately $525 billion).
Per CBO's January 2011 report, the payroll tax cut
was booked at $112 billion. As for the rest of the $713 billion in tax relief,
I could not find a CBO breakdown of how they were distributed. But the Tax Policy Center, a fairly liberal
organization, estimated that 30% of the benefit of the Bush tax cuts went to
the top 1% of taxpayers. So, applying
that ratio to the $713 billion cost estimated by CBO, after deducting $112 billion in
payroll taxes (which don't benefit the top 1% very much), implies that the 2010
extension generated $180 billion in tax benefits to the top 1%, and therefore,
$533 billion in benefits to the rest of the nation.
So, here is a table showing the work of the 111th
Congress in relation to taxes:
Time
|
Increase
on High-Income Taxpayers and Businesses
|
Increase
on Rest of Population
|
March
2009
|
|
($76 billion)
|
August
2010
|
$777 billion
|
(134 billion)
|
January
2011
|
(180 billion)
|
(533 billion)
|
TOTAL
|
$597 billion
|
($743
billion)
|
So, for all the talk about how the top earners were
getting breaks on their taxes, in fact, the 10-year impact of legislation
passed during the 111th Congress was a nearly $600 billion increase on taxes on
the wealthy and business, while cutting taxes for the rest of the nation by
nearly $750 billion.
DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE IMPACT OF ATRA
Contrary to her
estimate, CBO estimated that the law
will generate $4.571 trillion of revenue loss, nearly tripling the projected
deficit over the ensuing 10 years. The
reason for the enormous difference is that CBO always prepares its forecasts
based on then-current law, which in this case provided (pre-ATRA) for
expiration of all the "Bush tax cuts" at the start of the forecast
period. Murray's numbers, in Orwellian
fashion, ignore the inconvenient parts
of CBO's forecast, and just treat everything other than tax increases on the
rich as a continuation of the pre-ATRA rates with zero impact. This allows her
to call it a bill that generated "deficit reduction" when in fact it
tripled the projected cumulative deficits.
I could not find a CBO breakdown of the impact of
ATRA on high income households, but Senator Patty Murray's January 24, 2013
letter provides this breakdown:
Breakdown
of Revenue from High-Income Households in the ATRA of 2012
($billions)
2013-2022
|
|
Increase top
rate on ordinary income to 39.6% and top rate
on capital
gains/dividends to 20%
|
446
|
Reinstate
Personal Exemption Phase-out and Pease itemized
deduction
limit for high-income households
|
152
|
Estate
tax changes
|
19
|
TOTAL
|
617
|
Combining Murray's table with the CBO forecast, I generated the following simplified breakdown of the 10-year fiscal impact of ATRA:
Type
|
Amount
($billions)
|
Business
tax breaks
|
46
|
Estate
tax breaks continued
|
348
|
Income
tax increases on the wealthy
|
(617)
|
Continuation
of pre-ATRA tax policy for everyone else
|
3,922
|
Spending
Increases
|
272
|
Interest
effect
|
600
|
TOTAL
|
4,571
|
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