Yesterday Business Insider interviewed
Paul Krugman, who repeated his view, which he has expounded since the Democrats
took over the White House, that the
federal deficit does not concern him at present. He argues that, if the deficit ever becomes a
problem, it can be monetized, and sees no ill consequences from that. He offers what BI calls "an obscure
moment in the history of France" as a guide for the 21st century US:
"France, after WWI, came out of the war
with a high level of debt, and didn't really ... couldn't bring itself to make
the sacrifices needed to service that debt. So what happened was: the franc
depreciated, they had a bout of inflation, which reduced the value of the debt,
and then the economy stabilized and actually nothing terrible happened,"
I have to explain how dangerously inaccurate the statement about France's post-WWI economy is.
I have to explain how dangerously inaccurate the statement about France's post-WWI economy is.
When France entered WWI, its
central bank obligingly monetized the cost of the war and, with trade disrupted
and so much productivity diverted to the war, massive inflation resulted. As the franc depreciated by about 75%, not
only did Paris become an attractive place for hard-currency Americans to visit
and move to, but commodity prices rose several-fold for persons earning francs. Imagine oil costing $20 per gallon, or milk $20 a gallon, to understand whether "nothing terrible happened" to them
from the monetization of the government's debt.
But Dr. Krugman is referring
to the post-WWI era so let's look at that.
When the war ended, in contrast to his account, a short period of fiscal
and monetary discipline set in, and was successful. As explained in chapter 13 of the magnificent Pulitzer-winning history, Lords of Finance, the
government reduced its deficit rapidly and was nearly in balance by 1924. Its debt was no longer monetized by the
central bank; rather, the bank was required by law to maintain a strict cap of
41 billion francs on the money supply. (Although
the nation had substantial gold reserves, the franc was not backed or directly
pegged to them at that time.) The
government financed itself by borrowing both from its citizens, who maintained
a high savings rate at the time, and from the UK and US; the external borrowings
were in part expected to be repaid from reparations payments France anticipated
receiving from Germany.
But, beginning in the spring
of 1924, another "nothing terrible" began to happen. Much like
any number of financial frauds in the modern era have begun, the French government
began having trouble rolling over its internal debts, which were mainly
short-term in nature. The central bank obligingly
assisted the government by issuing it additional money to cover its debts; that
unfortunately violated the law capping the money supply, a problem which the
bank solved by some creative accounting.
The government looked the other way at the fraud and, within a year, the
fake balances, les faux bilans, swelled
to 5% of the currency in circulation. In
1925, the news broke and the government collapsed, along with confidence in the
central bank. Again, debt monetization at work.
A run began. The franc fell about 20% in just a couple of
months. Investors, domestic and foreign,
would not buy government paper and the government faced default. It was forced to beg the UK and US for a
write-down of its debt to 40% on the dollar.
Just as the "troika" is imposing on Greece, the government had
to commit to maintain a balanced budget to regain investors' confidence. Even so, the franc's value was cut in half again
by the summer of 1926. The government
fell yet again and the leadership of the central bank was completely
overturned. Finally, the new government
was able to convince investors that they had the fisc and the central bank
under control and the franc began strengthening, ultimately recovering all of
its 1926 loss.
Briefly in 1927 and 1928, the
French economy operated well. Investor
confidence brought capital back to both the private and public sector. The currency, fixed at its 1925 level, was significantly
undervalued versus the other major economies; that led to an export surplus,
which led to strong employment growth, and things looked rosy. Perhaps this is what Krugman means when he
implies things worked out.
Of course, we all know what
came after 1928 in Western economies: the Great Depression, the rise of Hitler
in Germany and WWII - "nothing terrible"? The French economy did not operate in a
vacuum. Its cheap currency was a beggar-thy-neighbor
policy and France's neighbor was Weimar Germany, which desperately needed an
export surplus of its own to generate money to make the reparations payments
with which it was saddled. As Liaquat
Ahamed closes chapter 13:
"Moreau [the head of
France's central bank]'s mistake was to assume that the value of the currency
of a major economic power such as France, the fourth largest industrial
economy, was a matter for that country alone.
Exchange rates, by their very nature, involve more than one side and are
therefore a reflection of a multilateral system. Though it may have been very difficult in 1926
to know the exact ramifications of the franc's exchange rate on surrounding
countries, Moreau seems to have deliberately closed his eyes to the impact of
his decision on the wider system. ... Whatever
the reason, his decision to fix the franc at an undervalued rate would
eventually help to undermine the stability of the very standard to which he had
now hitched his currency."
Indeed, Ahamed blames Moreau
as the central banker who had the last clear chance, but failed, to keep the
Great Depression from taking place. From his Epilogue:
"having stumbled
inadvertently into a position of financial dominance, he seemed more intent on
using France's newfound strength for political rather than economic ends. And
so what began as modest and corrective recessions in the United States and
Germany were transformed by sheer folly and short-sightedness into a world wide
catastrophe."
Nothing terrible happened?
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